<--Tracts for the Times, No. 2, by J. H. Newman-->
<--Version 1.0.2-->
<--This file should be called TRACT02.TXT-->

No. 2.] =(Ad Clerum.)= [Price 1d.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH
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=No weapon that is formed against thee shall prosper, and every
tongue that shall rise against the in judgment THOU SHALT
CONDEMN.=

It is sometimes said, that the Clergy should abstain
from politics; and that, if a Minister of CHRIST is political, he
is not a follower of him who said, "My kingdom is not of this
world." Now there is a sense in which this is true, but, as it is
commonly taken, it is very false.

It is true that the mere affairs of this world should not engage
a Clergyman; but it is absurd to say that the affairs of this world
should not at all engage his attention. If so, this world is not a
preparation for another. Are we to speak when individuals sin,
and not when a nation, which is but a collection of individuals?
Must we speak to the poor, but not to the rich and powerful? In
vain does St. James warn us against having the faith of our LORD
JESUS CHRIST with respect of persons. In vain does the Prophet
declare to us the word of the LORD, that if the watchmen of Israel
"speak not to warn the wicked from his way," "his blood will
be required at the watchman's hand."

Complete our LORD's declaration concerning the nature of His
kingdom, and you will see it is not at all inconsistent with the
duty of our active and zealous interference in matters of this
world. "If My kingdom were of this world," He says, ="then
would My servants fight."=--Here he has vouchsafed so to explain
Himself, that there is no room for misunderstanding His meaning.
No one contends that His ministers ought to use the weapons of
a carnal warfare; but surely to protest, to warn, to threaten, to excommunicate, are not such weapons. Let us not be scared
from a plain duty, by the mere force of a misapplied text. There
is an unexceptionable sense in which a clergyman may, nay, must
be =political.= And above all, when the Nation interferes with the
rights and possessions of the Church, it can with even less grace
complain of the Church interfering with the Nation.

With this introduction let me call your attention to what seems
a most dangerous infringement on our rights, on the part of the
State. The Legislature has lately taken upon itself to remodel
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the dioceses of Ireland; a proceeding which involves the appoint-
ment of certain Bishops over certain Clergy, and of certain clergy
under certain Bishops, without the Church being consulted in the
matter. I do not say whether or not harm will follow from this
particular act with reference to Ireland; but consider whether it
be not in itself an interference with things spiritual.

Are we content to be accounted the mere creation of the State,
as schoolmasters and teachers may be, or soldiers, or magistrates,
or other public officers? Did the State make us? can it unmake
us? can it send out missionaries? can it arrange dioceses? Surely
all these are spiritual functions; and Laymen may as well set about
preaching, and consecrating the LORD's Supper, as assume these.
I do not say the guilt is equal; but that, if the latter is guilt, the
former is. Would St. Paul, with his good will, have suffered the
Roman power to appoint Timothy, Bishop of Miletus, as well as of
Ephesus? Would Timothy at such a bidding have undertaken the
charge? Is not the notion of such an order, such an obedience,
absurd? Yet has it not been realized in what has lately happened?
For in what is the English state at present different from the Roman
formerly? Neither can be accounted members of the Church of
CHRIST. No one can say the British Legislature is in our com-
munion, or that its members are necessarily even Christians.
What pretence then has it for not merely advising, but super-
seding the Ecclesiastical power?

Bear with me, which I express my fear, that we do not, as much
as we ought, consider the force of that article of our Belief, "The
One Catholic and Apostolic Church." This is a tenet so import-
ant as to have been in the Creed from the beginning. It is men-
tioned there as a =fact,= and a fact =to be believed,= and therefore
practical. Now what do we conceive is meant by it? As people
vaguely take it in the present day, it seems only an assertion that
there is a number of sincere Christians scattered through the
world. But is not this a truism? who doubts it? who can deny
that there are people in various places who are sincere believers?
what comes of this? how is it important? why should it be
placed as an article of faith, after the belief in the HOLY GHOST?
Doubtless the only true and satisfactory meaning is that which our
Divines have ever taken, that there is on earth an existing Society,
Apostolic as founded by the Apostles, Catholic because it spreads
its branches in every place; i.e. the Church Visible with its Bishops,
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Priests, and Deacons. And this surely =is= a most important doc-
trine; for what can be better news to the bulk of mankind than to
be told that CHRIST when He ascended, did not leave us orphans,
but appointed representatives of Himself to the end of time?

"The necessity of believing the Holy Catholic Church," says
Bishop Pearson in this Exposition of the Creed, "appeareth first
in this, that CHRIST hath appointed it as the only way to eternal
life. . . . CHRIST never appointed two ways to heaven, nor did
He build a Church to save some, and make another institution
for other men's salvation. There is none other name under
heaven given among men whereby we must be saved, but the
name of JESUS; and that name is no otherwise given under
heaven than in the Church." "This is the congregation of those
persons here on earth which shall hereafter meet in heaven. . . .
There is a necessity of believing the Catholic Church, because
except a man be of that he can be of none. Whatsoever Church
pretendeth to a new beginning, pretendeth at the same time to
a new Churchdom, and whatsoever is so new is none." This
indeed is the unanimous opinion of our divines, that, as the
Sacraments, so Communion with the Church, is "generally
necessary to salvation," in the case of those who can obtain it.

If then we express our belief in the existence of One Church
on earth from CHRIST's coming to the end of all things, if there
is a promise it shall continue, and if it is our duty to do our part
in our generation towards it continuance, how can we with a safe
conscience countenance the interference of the Nation in its con-
cerns? Does not such interference tend to destroy it? Would it
not destroy it, if consistently followed up? Now, may we sit still
and keep silence, when efforts are making to break up, or at least
materially to weaken that Ecclesiastical Body which we know is
intended to last while the world endures, and the safely of which
is committed to our keeping in our day? How shall we answer
for it, if we transmit that Ordinance of GOD less entire that it
came to us?

Now what am I calling on you to do? You cannot help what
has been done in Ireland; but you may protest against it. You
may as a duty protest against it in public and private; you may
keep a jealous watch on the proceedings of the Nation, lest a
second act of the same kind be attempted. You may keep it before
you as a desirable object that the Irish Church should at some
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future day meet in Synod and protest herself against what has
been done; and then proceed to establish or rescind the State
injunction, as may be thought expedient.

I know it is too much the fashion of the times to think any
earnestness for ecclesiastical rights unseasonable and absurd, as if
it were the feeling of those who live among books and not in the
world. But it is our =duty= to live among books, especially to live
by ONE BOOK, and a very old one; and therein we are enjoined
to "keep that good thing which is committed unto us," to "neglect
not our gift." And when men talk, as they sometime do, as if
in opposing them we were standing on technical difficulties instead
of welcoming great and extensive benefits which would be the re-
sult of their measures, I would ask the, (letting alone the question
of their beneficial nature, which =is= a question,) whether this is not
being wise above that is written, whether it is not doing evil that
good may come. We cannot know the effects which will follow
certain alterations; but we can decide that the means by which it
is proposed to attain them are unprecedented and disrespectful to
the Church. And when men say, "=the day is past= for stickling
about ecclesiastical rights," let them see to it, lest they use sub-
stantially the same arguments to maintain their position as those
who say, "The day is past for being a Christian."

Lastly, is it not plain that by showing a bold front and defend-
ing the rights of the Church, we are taking the only course which
can make us respected? Yielding will not persuade our enemies to
desist from their efforts to destroy us root and branch. We cannot
hope by giving something to keep the rest. Of this surely we
have had of late years sufficient experience. But by resisting
strenuously, and contemplating and providing against the worst,
we may actually prevent the very evils we fear. To prepare for
persecution may be the best way to avert it.

[FOURTH EDITION]
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These Tracts are continued in Numbers, and sold at the price
of 2d. for each sheet, or 7 s. for 50 copies.

LONDON : PRINTED FOR J. G. F. & J. RIVINGTON,
ST. PAUL'S CHURCH YARD AND WATERLOO PLACE.
1840
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GILBERT & RIVINGTON, Printers, St. John's Square, London.


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