• FEDERAL CORRUPTION PART 1

    From Joel Garrett@RICKSBBS to All on Mon Jul 20 06:04:11 2026
    Author : Harry Martin
    Date : 03/12/91
    Desc : Federal Corruption Series Part I

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    FEDERAL CORRUPTION
    By Harry V. Martin
    A NEW SERIES
    (c) Copyright Napa Sentinel, 1991
    March 12, 1991
    Reprinted with permission of the Napa Sentinel


    EDITOR'S NOTE: When discussing the widespread corruption in the
    federal Bankruptcy Courts, it is difficult to focus on just the
    Northern California jurisdiction. This new series will focus on the
    extent of the corruption throughout the nation and its linkage to
    various courts.

    When the U.S. Government sent Anthony Souza to Northern California to
    investigate what government officials called "the dirtiest system" in
    the United States, it was aware that the entire bankruptcy system is
    unraveling. Former LendVest Trustee Charles Duck was the main focal
    point of Souza's investigation-even though a local bankruptcy judge
    called him the most "honest man" he had ever known. Duck's ties to
    bankruptcy judges throughout the Bay Area is providing a picture of
    intense corruption going deep inside the law enforcement agencies. Even
    Souza admits privately that his hands are tied.

    There has been one known murder in Northern California that has
    strong possible links to the bankruptcy system. There have been several
    more in Texas. This series will focus on different incidents from
    various parts of the country.

    One of the most bizarre cases of corruption in the bankruptcy system
    involves a small Washington-based computer software firm called INSLAW.
    In 1982 the firm signed a three year contract for $10 million with the
    U.S. Department of Justice. The software program INSLAW developed was a
    case-management computer program called PROMIS. The software, which was
    developed by Bill Hamilton, enabled the U.S. attorneys to keep track of
    information on cases, witnesses and defendants, and to manage their
    caseloads more effectively.

    Though the U.S. Attorney's Office placed the PROMIS program into
    operation in several of its offices, it refused to pay Hamilton.
    Subsequently Hamilton was forced into the bankruptcy court. Former U.S.
    Attorney General Elliot Richardson, representing Hamilton, advised him
    to sue the Justice Department for stealing his software.

    Anthony Pasciuto, who was the deputy director of the Executive Office
    for U.S. Trustees, which oversees bankruptcy estates on behalf of the
    court, had stated that the Justice Department was improperly applying
    pressure on his office to convert INSLAW's Chapter 11 reorganization
    into a Chapter 7 liquidation, which would mean that all company assets,
    including the rights to PROMIS would be sold at auction.

    U.S. Trustee Cornelius Blackshear corroborated Pasciuto's story. Two
    days after he was visited by Justice Department officials, Blackshear
    issued a sworn affidavit recanting his earlier testimony.

    The Justice Department recommended that Pasciuto be fired. The memo
    seeking his dismissal reads ". . . but for Mr. Pasciuto's highly
    irresponsible actions, the Department would be in a much better
    litigation posture than it presently finds itself."

    Federal Bankruptcy Judge George F. Bason, Jr., ruled in 1987 that the
    Justice Department had acted illegally in trying to put INSLAW out of
    business. Bason sent Edwin Meese a letter recommending that he
    designate an appropriate outside official to review the dispute because
    of the prima facie evidence of perjury by Justice Department officials,
    Meese did not respond.

    Later that year after nearly three weeks of trial, Bason ruled in
    favor of INSLAW in its suit against the Justice Department. "The
    department (of Justice) took, converted, stole INSLAW's software by
    trickery, fraud and deceit," the judge stated, adding, "the Justice
    Department engaged in an outrageous, deceitful, fraudulent game of cat
    and mouse, demonstrating contempt for both the law and any principle of
    fair dealing." Judge Bason ordered the Justice Department to pay INSLAW
    $6.8 million. Bason's verdict was upheld on appeal by U.S. District
    Court Judge William B. Bryant. Three months after Bason's ruling, he
    was denied re-appointment to the bankruptcy court.

    Hamilton's trouble began when a friend of Meese attempted to buy out
    INSLAW, but Hamilton turned him down. In a court document, the
    potential buyer is quoted as saying, "We have ways of making you sell."
    It was after that the trouble for INSLAW began.

    The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on investigations, chaired by
    Senator Sam Nunn, began an investigation into the INSLAW case. Once the
    inquiry got under way, the Senate Judiciary Committee's chief
    investigator, Ronald LeGrand, received a phone call from an unnamed
    senior officer at the Justice Department--a person LeGrand had known
    for years. The caller told LeGrand that the "INSLAW case was a lot
    dirtier for the Department of Justice than Watergate had been, both in
    its breadth and its depth."

    The Nunn Committee completed its investigation and published its
    report. It recognized that INSLAW has been a victim of the system and
    stated that "the Justice Department had been uncooperative, refusing to
    allow witnesses to testify without representatives of the litigation
    division being present to advise them. The effect of their presence was
    to intimidate those who might otherwise have cooperated with the
    investigation." The report states, "The staff learned through various
    channels of a number of Department employees who desired to speak to
    the Subcommittee, but who chose not to out of fear for their jobs."

    Congressman Jack Brooks of Texas has opened a new investigation into
    the INSLAW case. Brooks is investigating allegations that Justice
    Department officials--including Meese--conspired to force INSLAW into
    bankruptcy in order to deliver the firm's software to a rival company.
    The rival firm, according to court records and law enforcement
    officials, was headed by Earl W. Brian, a former Cabinet officer under
    then California Governor Ronald Reagan and a longtime friend of several
    high-ranking Republican officials. Meese had accepted a $15,000
    interest-free loan from Brian. Meese's wife was an investor in the
    rival company. This is the same company that allegedly sought to buy
    INSLAW from Hamilton and made the alleged threat.

    What happened to PROMIS?

    * The program is in use throughout the nation and has been used also
    for military intelligence information. It has the ability to track
    troop movements.

    * An official of the Israeli government claims Brian sold the PROMIS
    program to Iraqi military intelligence at a meeting in Santiago,
    Chile. The software could have been used in the recent Persian Gulf
    War to track U.S. and allied troop movements. Ari Ben-Menashe, a 12
    year veteran of Israeli intelligence, made the statement in a sworn
    affidavit to the court.

    * The software is now operative with the CIA, the National Security
    Agency, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the U.S. Department of
    Justice. Only the Justice Department is authorized by the court to
    use the software.

    * Brian now claims he acquired the property rights to the software and
    consummated a sale to Israel, although he had allowed its use by the
    Israeli intelligence forces for as many as five years before the
    actual sale.

    In essence, a small company in Washington developed a very sensitive
    computer program which the Justice Department obtained. The courts
    ruled in favor of the developer and the judge who made the ruling was
    never re-appointed. The software was acquired by a friend of Meese and
    the Justice Department has never paid for its use and has allowed other
    agencies the right of its use.

    The bankruptcy court was a tool--as it appears to be with other
    jurisdictions--to support the economic gain of a few. Charles Duck was
    not alone--as the record will prove.
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